Showing posts with label Melissa Raphael. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Melissa Raphael. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 8, 2011

How Hitler Thought of Women, Who Were Jews, and Observant

If you're in Los Angeles on or after July 11, 2011, then you will want to read it for yourself. I'm talking about Adolf Hitler's original letter in which he publicizes his thinking about observant Jewish women. The original letter will be housed in the Museum of Tolerance, where you'll be sure to see this second page, signed by Hitler:

In this blogpost, I want us to consider how Hitler thought of women, women who were Jews and who were observant Jews.  Hitler's letter is revealing.  To its readers, the letter shows what he was thinking.  That's important.  I'm going to ask that we also "read between the lines," that we also try to get at how Hitler thought what he thought.  Let me just assert this as a bit of a start:  how Hitler reasoned about religious Jewish women was not at all based on "mosaische Glaube" or "Mosaic faith," a phrase that he writes earlier in the letter.  No.  Hitler's clear logic and his constructed rhetoric about females of the Jewish religion and race was based in and derived from something else, some other ideal authority.  We'll come back, in a bit, to how he thought.  So we will come back to that letter typed and signed by this man on September 16, 1919.

But let's fast-forward from that date to see what Hitler, the Führer or "Leader," and his followers in Nazi Germany actually thought about Jews, who were women, women who believed in G-d. What the Nazis reasoned is that they should work toward "the irrevocable removal of" the women.  (Hitler's actual, original words in September 1919 were:  "Sein letztes Ziel aber muß unverrückbar die Entfernung der Juden überhaupt sein" or "The ultimate objective must, however, be the irrevocable removal of the Jews in general."  This is what he wrote and what he and his eventual followers thought.)  What Hitler and his Nazi followers did with what they thought was to put the religious Jewish women in concentration camps in order to murder them all.  This is actually what the Nazis and Hitler, their Leader, intended to do with "the Jews in general."

But the Jewish women in the concentration camps who were religious were a real problem for Hitler.

To be sure, Jewish women "in general" were a real problem for him.  What Hitler wrote in September 1919 was that Jewish women were the cause of "tausendjährige Innzucht, häufig vorgenommen in engstem Kreise" or "thousands of years of the closest kind of inbreeding."  And if we fast forward again, what Hitler and his Nazi followers reasoned about women "in general," even German women, especially Aryan women, especially the mothers of the Nazis, is that they should breed purely.  Much of this is very well documented in history.

Virginia Woolf, for example, wrote the following in June 1938:
The nature of manhood and the nature of womanhood are frequently defined both by Italian and German dictators. Both repeatedly insist that it is the nature of man and indeed the essence of manhood to fight. [Adolf] Hitler, for example, draws a distinction between "a nation of pacifists and a nation of men." Both repeatedly insist that it is the nature of womanhood to heal the wounds of the fighter.
Nearly four years earlier, in September 1934, Hitler had made clear in a speech to the NS-Frauenschaft, or the Nazi Women's Organization, just what he thought: that a German woman's “world is her husband, her family, her children, and her home.” Historian Martin Kitchen explains what those following Hitler did with what he thought:
The National Socialist ideal was for women to be confined to their homes as dutiful wives and mothers of racially pure children, in the interests of eugenics, racial politics, and preparation for war. The Führer called upon women to provide him with the racially sound human capital he needed to achieve his ambitious goals. To this end Mother's Day ... was celebrated with great pomp, ceremony, and sentimentality as the annual celebration of the Nazi fertility cult. In 1934, it was made an official holiday, held on the third Sunday in May. Further to encourage fecundity, Hitler instituted German Mother's Honor Medal in December 1938. There were three levels: bronze for women with four to five children, silver for those with six to seven, and gold for eight or more. The parents had to be of "German blood" and "sound heredity." The mother had to be "genetically healthy," "decent," and "morally irreproachable." Only live births counted. The medals were first awarded on Mother's Day 1939 to 3 million women by the local Nazi party leader, attended by uniformed representatives of the League of German Maidens. The award could be withdrawn were "racial ideological deficiency" detected -- a nebulous and flexible misdemeanor against which there was no appeal.... Motherhood was no longer seen as a private affair but as a public service to improve the racial stock in order to build a genuine "racial community."
      The number of women workers increased sharply, particularly in low-paid and unskilled positions, and this in spite of generous loans offered to married women who left the workforce. In agriculture 65 percent of workers were female. Things were very different at the top of social scale. Women with university degrees were forced to quit their jobs, and strict limits were imposed on the number of women admitted to institutions of higher learning. In 1933 there had been 20,000 female university students, but by 1939 their number had fallen to 5,500. Married women were dismissed from the civil service. They were forbidden to practice law or medicine and were barred from senior teaching positions. In 1936 they were no longer called for jury duty on the grounds that they were constitutively "unable to think logically or reason objectively."
[A History of Modern Germany: 1800 to the Present,
page 269, 2nd edition, May 3, 2011]
If what Hitler and his male Nazi followers thought of German women was bad -- "that they were constitutively 'unable to think logically or reason objectively'" -- then what these German men thought of Jewish women was even worse -- that they were the mothers of "thousands of years of the closest kind of inbreeding."  Again, this is what Hitler originally wrote in 1919, and it is what was still the logic in the latest years of the Third Reich.

But the Jewish women in the concentration camps who were religious were a real problem for Hitler.

These women based their lived experience on "mosaische Glaube" or "Mosaic faith."  And this faith for many of the religious Jewish women was motherly.  

For example, in her chapter "A Mother/God in Auschwitz" in her book The Female Face of God in Auschwitz: A Jewish Feminist Theology of the Holocaust, Melissa Raphael notes the following:
     In her commentary on an interview she conducted with the survivor Itka Frajman Zygmuntowicz, Sara Horowitz notes that Zygmuntowicz's spiritual inheritance is intertwined with and preserved by her memories of her mother and grandmother.... Zygmuntowicz's mother, like so many others, urged her to 'retain her self -- neither to imitate the Nazis nor to absorb the image they project of her'. Most significantly, for Zygmuntowicz and other women whose mothers perished, 'their spiritual legacy passes to them along a chain of women. A sense of continuity with the Jewish past and with Jewish meaning is embedded in their memories of mothers, and often grandmothers, [in lived, relational, maternal experience] rather than articulated abstractly.....
     Theologians cannot simply rule out women's relational perspective on the Holocaust a priori, as if it were not a properly Jewish place to start. To be faithful to the actual and particular suffering of all persons during the Holocaust and to the convenantal presence of God in the midst of that suffering, Jewish theology must reflect on the gendered variety of Jewish experience before or instead of its resolution of a set of formal (theo)logical problems whose framing is itself gendered. [page 109]
Raphael is hoping to show how Jews, who are female, who are religious, view God as their mother.  I'm trying to show what a problem this was for Hitler, who considers women mainly for breeding but Jewish women as inbreeders and God as not at all related to the Mosaic faith.  Raphael goes on:
     Yet where the metaphor of a Mother-God represents not merely an aspect of God, but a function of God that reconfigures the entire concept of God, then a pregnant woman in Auschwitz assumes a particular theological poignancy. For more Jewish feminists, 'The Holy One is Gaol-tanu, Ima-ha-olam, our Redeemer, Mother of the World. She is Ha raham-aima Compassionate Giver of Life. She is Makor hahaiim, Source of Life. She is our neighbourly spirit, the Shekhinah.' In Jewish feminist liturgy,
Blessed is She who in the beginning, gave birth . . .
Blessed is She whose womb covers the earth.
Blessed is She whose womb protects all creatures.
Auschwitz was above all a crime against what women and men had made from their bodily love and had nurtured to maturity form the bodily labour. these labours are both symbol and medium of divine presence; of how God is carried into the world and how God carries the world in God. The suggest a theology which is biblical as well as feminist. [page 111]
What Hitler thought about feminists in the world is very clear.  He expanded on his anti-feminism in that September 8, 1934 speech he made to the NS-Frauenschaft, or the Nazi Women's Organization.  Hitler said:
The slogan 'Emancipation of Women' was invented by Jewish intellectuals.  If the man's world is said to be the state, his struggle, his readiness to devote his powers to the service of the community, then it may perhaps be said that the woman's is a smaller world.  For her world is her husband, her family, her children, and her home.
That he would blame a movement to emancipate women on Jews suggests that Hitler hated Jewish women, especially intellectual Jewish women, and that he wanted German women to be nothing like intellectual feminists or feminist intellectuals.

So it might be even more helpful to us to consider what the scholar Melissa Raphael has recovered with respect to Jewish feminist theology before, during, and after Hitler's thinking.  Raphael stresses:
But the point I want to make here is that God as 'the Commanding Voice of Auschwitz' [of the likes of Emil Fackenheim] brings the theological project [he outlines] into dangerous proximity to that of [Adolf] Hitler. Here, God's command is not only prior to Hitler's command, it is also a countermand subsequent to and in competition with Hitler's command.  That is, Fackenheim's God is one who, as 'The Commanding Voice of Auschwitz' has not been deposed by history and has not been robbed of his monarchal prerogative because his command, though good, can match the form and type of oppressive commands.  Fackenheim's position typifies the patriarchal refusal of divine abjection and its affirmation of a God whose expectation of Jewish obedience to his beneficent will refuses Auschwitz as the imposition of another powerful, but evil, masculine will.  In being subject to God's will, Israel could be subject ot no other and was, in that sense free.
     Yet if we are considering the mode and possibility of divine presence in Auschwitz from a relational [experiential, womanly] perspective, did its inmates want, and do we now want, to hear another commanding voice in or from Auschwitz, where women and men were continuously berated, shouted and sworn at by their Kommandant and those who did his bidding? Does a Jew want to feel that she is still under orders, subject to another overbearing masculine will? Fackenheim styles his God the 'Commanding Voice of Auschwitz', but the Jewish people were surely subject to enough raucous commands in that place. The commanding voices of its atrocious hierarchy were infinitely more than enough. A German Kommandant who knew and watched suffering and did nothing to stop it bears too close a resemblance for comfort to a God who commands Jewry to remain Jewish but does not command Germany to call a halt to the agonies it has commanded. [page 30]
Raphael's observations here brings us back to what Hitler thought of observant Jews of the Mosaic faith who were women.  He wanted to confine them, to command them, and to irrevocably remove them forever.

For more of the what, before you read the letter in German in person with the witness of your very own eyes, you might want to read the clear English translation by Richard S. Levy.  You might even want to read a copy of the letter in German or to read some of the history around it in the German periodical Der Speigel.  Do check out the press release by the Simon Wiesenthal Center that came out this week, and the New York Times article that came out last week. Watch the Sydney Morning Herald's video, "How Holocaust seeds were sown," and read the related article.

How did Hitler come to think what he thought about these Jewish women of faith?  Well, if we read between the lines of his letter we begin to see his emphasis on logic vs. the Mosaic faith of these Jews, these women.  If we fast-forward to his Mein Kampf, then we see more clearly his how.  Hitler appropriates the ancient Greek male emphasis, in the Gymnasium, both on strong, pure-bred bodies and on reason that would hypothesize a Nature that puts one race over another, one sex over the lesser one, and one way of thinking over a Glaube, an other's faith.

How Hitler rationalized his view of women who were observant Jews was altogether different from how those women, in their lives that Hitler would try to take, saw G-d. And so, again, Melissa Raphael observes [page 9]:
When a woman [confined in Auschwitz] saw or looked into the face of the suffering other (and that other's filthy, beaten, vacated face, was not easy to see and to look upon) the divine humanity of that face could be traced through the thick scale of its physical and spiritual profanation. Because what has been traced has appeared it also becomes knowable. What could be seen, but may not have been recognized, also becomes knowable. What could be seen, but may not have been recognized, was God as Shekhinah - the presence of God among us in our exile. While God is never a visible material form she is figurable in experience.

----

UPDATE:

There are more recent comments on this post, prompted by an Anonymous commenter, who self-identifies as German and as a collector of military artifacts. This commenter disputes whether the Gemlich letter at the Simon Wiesenthal Center is authentically Hitler's, because he surely didn't have typewriter and because there are grammar and spelling mistakes. There are several facts about the letter, in contrast, that seem to confirm that indeed it is the very one that Hitler signed and that it may be one that Hitler himself either dictated for a secretary to type or could have typed himself. In one comment, I quote historian and documentarian Timothy W. Ryback, as he describes Hitler as appearing -- from the evidence of his writings -- to be "a half-educated man who has mastered neither basic spelling nor common grammar." Ryback notes: "His raw texts are riddled with lexical and syntactical errors." And Ryback describes how awfully Hitler typed. The reason for this update is to show another page typed by Hitler, the page that Ryback includes on page 73 of his book, Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life:

Sunday, June 5, 2011

"Aristotle," "Abraham," "an apple," and a "female" "Godde"

This post of mine is about language.  The post has two parts.  In the first part, I want to show some strong reactions to some new English.  In the second part, I'd like us all to look at how we use language.

"the first part"

"Theophrastus" has been conversing with several of us about some of the terms used by the "Christian Godde Project" and particularly about the new English proper nouns, Godde and Christa.  He has said (in the context of one conversation in particular) the following:
By supporting her translation, you are indicating that you are comfortable with "Godde" having a gender. The only debate is does "Godde" have a penis or a vagina?
And 
And, Suzanne, if you so easily favor making arbitrary changes to language, what do you think about her use of the word "Christa"?
And
The "God of the Philosophers" (e.g. Maimonides, Aquinas, Averroes) is impassible and non-anthropomorphic. Shawna [Atteberry, one of the team members of the Project] teaches idolatry.
And
Note also that her translation is called The Divine Feminine Version (which even in its title assigns a gender to "Godde") and her trinity is "The Mother, The Christa, and the Divine Feminine Spirit."
"the second part"

What should be very obvious to all of us is that Theophrastus was one of Aristotle's disciples.  The blogger who has used his name as his very own nom de guerre has subtitled his blog, "What I've learned from Aristotle."  So when we think about Theophrastus and then Aristotle, we have to keep in mind the language and the people and the correspondences and how these fly with our help into various directions.

To help us with this is one of the world's best philosophers, Catherine Z. Elgin.  She has said this helpful thing:
Aristotle, of course, was not named "Aristotle"; the name he went by had a different pronunciation and a different spelling. So the claim that our use continues the chain that began with his being baptized "Aristotle" needs refinement. Then there is the worry that chains that originate in a single stipulation may later diverge. In that case a term has two different reference classes despite its link to a single introducing event.... Ambiguity occurs because correction... allows for alternative continuations of the causal chain.... Each continues the chain, but the two uses of the word... are not coextensive. Nor do we always succeed in referring to what our predecessors did, even when we intend to do so.
This quotation is from Elgin's books, Nelson Goodman's Theory of Symbols and its Applications and Between the Absolute and the Arbitrary, but I once quoted her here just to make the points she's making.  Now I'm making the points that proper nouns in English are useful for us.  The blogger Theophrastus could have never named himself as he's done without this ridiculous transliteration Aristotle, which the real Aristotle would have called absolutely bar-bar-ic, except he would have used the term, βαρβαρισμός·

What Elgin has written a couple of places about the name Aristotle, and how we use it (incorrectly, barbarously) with precision, is exactly what Adele Berlin has said about the name Abraham.  Let's just recall that in Hebrew this name means "father."  Yes, it means more than that.  And we read his story, that narrative about him, in Genesis to get all of that.  Is that all we get?  Even if we only read Genesis and only read it in Hebrew, is that all we get?  No.  And then there's this other thing to consider, like one spouse has to consider the other.  For better or for worse, we get "Abraham" in translation.  And then we really do get less.  And then we get more.  Residue!  But enough of this nonsense.  Let's listen again to Adele Berlin:
Above all we must keep in mind that narrative is a form of representation. Abraham in Genesis is not a real person any more than the painting of an apple is real fruit.
I once tried to picture, to represent all of that, here.  But, to be absolutely accurate and not to mis-quote or to mis-represent anything, let me point you to her book where you can best find, exactly, what Adele Berlin has said in the precise context in which she said it:  the book Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative.  After all, "Above all we must" is such a really absolute statement.

This might prepare us, finally, after all, to consider "God."  Is it a gender-less representation in narrative?  Does God "have" gender?

Does God have "hardness"?  Now, I'm thinking about the Mohs hardness scale, which we all learned as children.  In the Bible God is a "rock."

Does God have "wings"?  Does God make a "shadow"?  These are biblical re-presentations.

Are these idols?

And what is "narrative" after all?

Well, what if my body is sexed female?  What is narrative then?

And what if my body sexed female is also raced Jewish?  What is narrative then?

And what if my body, because it is sexed female and is raced Jewish, finds itself behind electrified fences?  What is narrative then?

And then where would "God" be?

These are some questions asked and answered by Olga Lengyel, Lucie Adelsberger, Bertha Ferderber-Salz and Sara Nomberg-Przytyk.  God in Auschwitz-Birkenau, they tell Melissa Raphael, a narrative writer, has a female face.  This is what they've lived, where they've been, who they've seen.  But all we have to go on, to believe them, is this book, these words, that representation, called The Female Face of God in Auschwitz: A Jewish Feminist Theology of the Holocaust.

We could call it idolatrous, if our own language and representations are other-wise.  Or we might just listen.